北京:社会主义第三世界背景下的城市交通问题(1949-1992)
Victor. F. S. Sit
香港薄扶林道香港大学地理地质系
Post-1949 development of urban transport in Beijing, the national capital of the People’s Republic of China, has been for a long time shaped by the ideology of the Chinese communists, in a setting of rapid urban growth and industrialization with general neglect of the ‘consumption’ needs of the urban populace. The Old City of feudal Beijing which the municipality inherited in 1949 and the need to preserve its pre-industrial street pattern, set by the city wall and the former Imperial Court (the Forbidden City), for historical and cultural reasons added another interesting and almost insurmountable constraint to the city’s urban transport development. This paper provides a comprehensive analysis of the situation and development of urban transport in the city from 1949 to 1992, outlining its major characteristics and problems. The effects of the new Open Door and modernization policies since 1978 and their impact on a new approach emphasizing market forces are evaluated. Wherever feasible, comparative figures and materials from the western and Third World city are used to provide better appreciation of Beijing’s situation. The experience of the new policy of Market Socialism that started in 1978 provides valuable evidence for other large Third World cities. Copyright 0 1996 Elsevier Science Ltd
北京作为中华人民共和国的首都,在城市快速增长、工业化和城市居民的消费需求普遍受忽略的背景下,其城市交通发展在1949年之后长期受中共意识形态影响。由于历史文化方面的原因,1949年城市政府接管的封建时代的老北京城以及保护老北京城由城墙和旧皇宫(故宫)形成的前工业化的道路形式的需要,为这座城市的城市交通发展增添了另一道耐人寻味而又几乎难以逾越的障碍。
本文旨在对北京市1949至1992年间的城市交通状况和发展进行综合研究,概述其主要特点和问题,评价1978年以来的改革开放和现代化政策的效果以及它们对强调市场力量的新举措的影响,并尽可能用西方和第三世界城市的数据和材料与之对比,以更好地评价北京的状况。1978年起实行的社会主义市场经济新政策的经验为其他第三世界的大城市提供了可贵的借鉴。
版权所有:1996 Elsevier Science Ltd
关键词:城市交通 北京 社会主义 第三世界 市场社会主义
Urban transport issues in a Third World and socialist setting
第三世界和社会主义背景下的城市交通问题
Transport is one of the major problems in Third World cities. It is a reflection of the combined effects of low levels of economic development, poor land use planning, inadequate infrastructure and poor urban management. Although many municipal governments devote an estimated 15-25% of their total annual budget for solving transport problems, the current urban transport problems in Third World cities generally seem to have got worse (Khisty, 1993). The low income of the urban poor naturally resulted in a high proportion of trips being made on foot and by bicycle. A survey of the situation in Delhi in 1957 indicates that, of the total passenger trips in the city (excluding those on foot), 36% were made using bicycles, 15.9% by other non-motorized means, 22.3% by bus and only 10.1% by private car (Breese, 1966). More recent figures for the entire Third World by the World Bank (1986), show that, whereas 600 million person-trips a day are made by city buses and l/4 billion by about 50 million automobiles, those made by about l/2 billion bicycles are estimated to be ‘several billion’ trips and that daily pedestrian trips exceed 10 billion. Thus, the majority of the urban population in the Third World mainly use non-motorized modes of transport.
交通是第三世界城市存在的主要问题之一,是经济发展的低水平、土地利用规划的不合理、市政设施的缺乏和城市管理的欠缺共同作用的结果。虽然许多城市政府将年度预算中的15-25%用于解决交通问题,但第三世界城市的交通问题现状仍普遍呈恶化之势(Khisty,1993)。城市贫困阶层的低收入自然而然导致了步行和骑自行车在出行方式中所占的高比例。1957年在德里进行的一项研究表明,在城市的所有客运出行中(不包括步行),自行车出行占36%,其他非机动车出行占15.9%,公交车出行占22.3%,私家车出行仅占10.1%(Breese,1966)。距今更近的、由世界银行(1986)提供的关于整个第三世界的数据则表明,尽管每天的公交车出行达6亿人次,基于总共5千万辆小汽车的出行也达到2.5亿人次,但基于总共约5亿辆自行车的出行估计可达到几十亿人次,步行更是突破百亿人次。因此,第三世界城市人口中的大多数主要使用的是非机动的交通方式。
Khisty (1993) observed that, although most developing countries do not have a stated policy on passenger mobility, they tend to focus their attention and resources on freight traffic in order to fulfill output targets set by their 5-year economic plans. This has led to further deterioration of the supply-demand ratio for modern passenger transport. Within the already restricted sphere of government action on passenger transport, Khisty (1993, p 45) further observes that Third World governments have not paid much attention to non-motorized modes:
Khisty(1993)提到,尽管大多数发展中国家并未颁布客运政策,但为了完成5年经济计划中的产出目标,它们倾向于将注意力和资源集中在货运交通上。这导致现代客运交通供求比例的进一步下降。在政府对客运交通的干预已经十分有限的情况下,Khisty(1993,第45页)进一步认为第三世界国家的政府对非机动交通方式不甚关注:
Most ironically, developing countries seem to focus on encouraging motorization and appear to be indifferent or even opposed to low-cost, non-motorized modes, despite the vital role they play in the local economies and the mobility and accessibility they provide for low-income inhabitants.
最具讽刺意味的是,发展中国家似乎关注于鼓励机动化,而似乎忽视甚至反对低成本、非机动的交通方式,不顾它们在当地经济中的重要作用和它们为低收入居民提供的机动性和可达性。
According to a World Bank study (1991) in the 1980s countries in Asia, except China, had experienced a significant reduction in the number and use of non- motorized vehicles due to a motorization trend and emphasis on a high technology and an ‘incorporation’ approach. There are, however, dissenting views that emphasis on high technology options, such as metros, freeways and interchanges, and increasing public ownership and incorporation of public modes of transport like buses and trams would only incur more inefficiency and public subsidy, whereas the mobility and accessibility of the urban population would not be improved (Rimmer, 1986). Some call for the ‘informal sector’ approach which favors small operators characterized by low-cost, simple technology, private and small scale ownership, as well as flexibility and efficient. They believe that increasing ‘incorporation’ of public transport, particularly the increasing public ownership of bus and railway services, cannot solve urban transport problems in Third World cities, because government-owned undertakings are plagued with problems such as unwillingness to increase fares to compensate for rising operating costs, overstaffing, general management weaknesses and inadequacies of the regulatory authorities (Grava, 1978, 1980; Emmerij, 1974; Rimmer, 1980; Kirby, 1979; Britton, 1983; World Bank, 1975, p 42). In spite of this, the movement toward high technology and incorporation became obvious by the end of the 1970s when many Third World cities started planning or building urban mass transits (Coventry and Richards, 1982). This ‘railway cult’ has continued to the present despite its often low level of cost-effectiveness, particularly for the poorer cities and increased doubts about the high-tech and incorporation approach to solving Third World urban transport problems. Fouracre et aE (1990) when reviewing the metro systems in 13 Third World cities (which include Hong Kong, Singapore, Seoul and Pusan which should be classified as middle- to high- income cities), found that the total cost per passenger per km has been much higher in the poorer cities, e.g. 4.7 US cents for Calcutta and 6.4 US cents for Rio de Janeiro than in the richer cities, e.g. 3.3 US cents for Hong Kong. Of the eight poorer cities, seven registered overall losses on their metro systems (i.e. fare income was less than operating cost and depreciation). They conclude that the successful systems all have very high peak flows of close to 15 000 passengers per hour at the busiest section of the traffic corridor. Besides, these cities have an average annual city income of above US$1800/per person (1987 figure) and are found in countries with a national average annual income of at least US$l000/per person. Against such a background, non-motorized vehicles still have a key role to play in many Third World cities, although they are still yet not widely accepted into these cities’ transport systems for planning and management purposes (Dimitriou, 1993).
根据世界银行20世纪80年代做的一项研究(1991),由于机动化趋势、对高科技的强调和“国有制”政策,亚洲国家(除中国以外)都经历了非机动车的数量和使用大幅减少。然而,也存在一些反对的观点,他们强调高科技手段,例如地铁、高速公路和换乘系统,以及日益增长的公交、电车等公共交通方式的公有化和国有制只会导致更低的效率和更高的政府补助,而城市人口的机动性和可达性并不能得到改善(Rimmer,1986)。一些人提倡“非正式部门”方法,鼓励发展低成本、技术简单、私人拥有、小规模而又灵活且有效率的小型运营商。他们相信公共交通的日益国有化,尤其是与日俱增的公交和铁路服务的公有化,不能解决第三世界城市的交通问题,因为国有企业被很多问题困扰,这些问题包括不愿增加经费以弥补增长的运营成本、人员冗余、综合管理缺陷和管理机构的缺乏等(Grava,1978,1980;Emmerij,1974;Rimmer,1980;Kirby,1979;Britton,1983;世界银行,1975,p42)。尽管如此,在20世纪70年代许多第三世界城市开始规划或建设城市大容量公共交通时,推崇高科技和国有制的运动变得十分明显(Coventry and Richards,1982)。尽管成本效率通常较低(尤其是在经济水平较低的城市)而且存在对以高科技和公有制手段解决第三世界城市交通问题的怀疑,这种“轨道崇拜”还是一直持续到今天。Fouracre等人(1990)在研究了13个第三世界城市(包括香港、新加坡、首尔和釜山这些本应被列为中高收入的城市)的地铁系统之后,发现经济水平较低的城市单位乘客单位公里数的总成本要高出许多,例如加尔各答为4.7美分,里约热内卢为6.4美分,而香港仅为3.3美分。在8个经济水平较低的城市中,有7个城市的地铁系统全面亏损(即票务收入低于运营成本和折旧成本)。他们总结出,成功的地铁系统都有非常高的高峰流量,在交通廊道的最繁忙区段接近15000人/小时。除此之外,这些城市年城市收入超过1800美元/人(1987年数据),且位于年收入至少1000美元/人的国家中。与此相悖的是,非机动车在许多第三世界城市中仍然扮演重要角色,尽管它们仍未被广泛纳入这些城市的交通规划和管理体系(Dimitriou,1993)。
Urban transportation in Third World cities shares four common characteristics. Firstly, there is a mixture of transportation technologies, with road space shared by fast moving motorized vehicles and slow non-motorized modes. In addition to traffic conflict, this mixing has led to road congestion and road safety problems. Secondly, is the misuse of transport technology. The most common example is t he misuse of the tractor as a light goods vehicles or a light goods vehicle as a passenger car. Also railways are used for inappropriate distances, such as cargo shipment of less than 100 km distances. Thirdly, are the deficiencies of urban public transport. In most Third World cities, the low income level forbids a high car ownership ratio and, thus, the alternative to non-motorized modes is public transport. Yet, rapid urbanization has outstripped public sector investment in public transport, leading to inadequacy of services. This may be measured by the base line suggested by the World Bank, i.e. less than one bus per 1000 population. Accra, Ankara, Bombay and Calcutta fall into such a category (Table I). Insufficient funds lead to poor maintenance, low efficiency of operation and operating deficits. A low availability rate of less than 80%, a low operating km per day per bus and a low ratio of operating revenue to total costs are common. Only the private sector bus services of Accra, Kuala Lumpur, Seoul and Singapore were operating without loss. Fourthly, available data indicate that, whereas in cities of developed countries, roads typically occupy 15% to 25% of total urban areas, in the Third World, the ratio often falls below 10% (World Bank, 1975). An inadequate road network is a function of insufficient government investment. The situation is getting increasingly worse as many of the Third World cities are not only growing rapidly in population (at rates of 5-10% per year), their fleet of motor vehicles, particularly private cars, is increasing at high annual rates of 10% or more (see Table I). Dimitriou (1990) reported that between 1973 and 1984 the number of private cars nearly doubled in Indonesia and the number of trucks and buses more than doubled. In contrast, the increase in the provision of urban road infrastructure has been very slow-only 8 km of new roads (excluding toll roads) were added to the national urban road network for the same period and half of the mileage of the main urban network was physically deficient.
第三世界城市的城市交通有四个共同特点。首先是混行交通,道路空间被快速的机动车和慢速的非机动交通方式共享。除交通冲突之外,这种混合还导致了道路拥堵和道路安全问题。其次是交通方式的误用。最普遍的一个例子是将拖拉机用作轻量货车,或者将轻量货车用作客车。铁路也被用于不适当的距离,例如100公里以下的铁路货运。第三是城市公共交通的缺乏。在大多数第三世界城市中,低收入水平阻止了小汽车的高拥有率,使得公共交通成为非机动交通方式的替代。然而,快速城市化超过了在公共交通方面的公共部门投资,导致服务的不足。这一点可由世界银行提出的基准线衡量,例如千人公交车拥有量低于1辆。阿克拉、安卡拉、孟买和加尔各答就属于这一类城市(表1)。资金的不足导致缺乏维护、运营低效率和运营赤字。低于80%的可用率、单日单辆公交车运营的低公里数和运营收入占总成本的低比例是司空见惯的。只有阿克拉、吉隆坡、首尔和新加坡的私营公交实现无亏损运营。第四,可获得的数据显示,尽管在发达国家城市中,道路一般占城市总用地面积的15%-20%,但在第三世界城市中,这个数字经常在10%以下(世界银行,1975)。道路网的不足是政府投资不足的结果。这种情况还在继续恶化,因为许多第三世界城市不仅在人口上迅速增长(年增长率5%-10%),机动车特别是私人小汽车数量也以10%以上的年增长率(见表1)高速增长。Dimitriou(1990)指出,在1973至1984年间,印尼的私人小汽车数量几乎翻了一番,而货车和公交车的数量增加了一倍以上。与此形成对比的是,城市道路基础设施供应的增长十分缓慢——相同时期内国家城市道路网中仅有8公里新增道路(除收费道路外),而主要城市路网中有一半的里程都存在缺陷。
The provision of urban transport also involves issues of social justice. Access to cheap transport facilities for the urban poor is very important to them as cheap and convenient public transport effectively extends their search area for employment and other educational and social support facilities. They earn less than US$200 per annum and form 20-30% of the population in Latin American cities or as much as 50% in big Indian cities such as Calcutta or Madras.
城市交通供应也涉及到社会公平问题。对城市贫困人口来说,廉价交通设施的可达性十分重要,因为廉价便捷的公共交通有效拓展了他们寻求就业和其他教育、社会扶助设施的范围。他们的年收入低于200美元,占拉美城市人口中的20%-30%,或者加尔各答或马德拉斯等印度大城市人口中的50%。
Beijing experiences some of these transport problems typical of Third World cities, with its low level of economic development, insufficient resources to provide a modern infrastructure to match the demand for transport by the city’s activities and population and its long record of ‘incorporation’. Recently, the motorization trend in Beijing has picked up momentum and so has its quest for heavy-rail urban mass transit. Yet, its policy concern and positive consideration towards the predominant non-motorized modes seems to be unique.
北京的经济发展水平低,资源不足以提供与城市活动和人口所产生的交通需求相匹配的现代化基础设施,而国有制又长期存在,这使得它面临第三世界城市的一部分典型交通问题。最近,北京的机动化趋势和对大规模城市轨道交通的需求大幅增长,但它对占据主导地位的非机动交通方式的政策关注和积极考虑似乎是独特的。
As a city under a socialist government, Beijing from 1949 to 1992 (especially before 1978) has also been much affected by the ‘socialist model’ in urban transport development. Studies on former Soviet bloc countries show three basic principles of the model. First, the journey-to-work should be minimized. Second, spatial mobility should in general be public transport based. Third, public transport fares are to be heavily subsidized (Bater, 1980). The first is to be achieved through rational planning of employment and residential areas. Journey-to-work time for large cities of over half a million population is based on a norm of 40 minutes, while for smaller centers it is about 25 minutes. Economic expedience and low wage levels in general dictated the predominance of a heavily subsidized public transport sector. Although the trend of rising ownership of cars began to emerge in the USSR in the 1970s reliance on public transport was still obvious. Lack of choice in residential locations meant another important reason why residents were dependent on public transport. In Moscow, in 1970, there were 651 journeys per inhabitant on its intra- urban system; by 1975 the figure had risen to 693. In the meantime, public transport had increased in quality and quantity of services. For example, Moscow’s length of trolley bus services increased from 3000 km in 1960 to 8142 km in 1970 and 11912 km in 1976, and the respective numbers of passengers carried rose from 3005 million in 1960, to 6123 million and 8345 million in 1970 and 1976. A similar situation also prevailed in its tram service. Its metro system continued to add on new mileage as well (French, 1979). Besides frequency of service, a low flat-rate fare structure was a characteristic (Compton, 1979, p 483). Though there had been rising costs due to salary increases and the need to use more sophisticated machinery and equipment and hence a steep rise in capital investment and maintenance, most metropolitan governments increased subsidies rather than increase the low fare structure that symbolized the socialist goal of equity in collective goods consumption.
作为社会主义政府统治下的城市,北京从1949年至1992年(尤其是1978年之前)在城市交通发展方面也深受“社会主义模式”影响。关于前苏联成员国家的研究体现了这种模式的三个基本原则。首先,通勤应尽可能缩短。其次,空间移动应主要基于公共交通。第三,应对公共交通给予大量补助(Bater,1980)。第一条是通过对就业和居住区域的合理规划达到的。100万以上人口的大城市的通勤时间标准为40分钟,在较小的中心区约为25分钟。经济上的权宜和低收入水平决定了受大量补贴的公共交通部门的主导地位。虽然70年代前苏联小汽车拥有量开始呈现增加趋势,但对公共交通的依赖仍然明显。对居住地点缺乏选择权是居民依赖公共交通的另一个重要原因。1970年在莫斯科,人均有651次基于市内交通系统的出行;到1975年这个数字增加到693次。同时,公共交通在数量和质量上都有提升。例如,莫斯科的无轨电车线路长度由1960年的3000公里增加到1970年的8142公里和1976年的11912公里,而对应的乘客人数从1960年的30.55亿人次增加到1970年的61.23亿人次和1976年的8345人次。它的有轨电车系统也是相似的情况。它的地铁系统里程数持续增长(French,1979)。除服务频率外,统一的低票价也是一个特点(Compton,1979,p483)。虽然由于工资上涨和采用更先进仪器和设备的需求以及因此带来的资本投入和维护的大幅提升导致成本上升,但是大部分大城市政府采取增加补贴幅度而非提高票价的政策,这是社会主义追求公共商品消费平等的标志。
The location of employment nodes away from residential areas had often lengthened journeys- to-work to much above the norm. Low wage levels also usually forced a family to have more than one wage earner and, thus, upset the planning target of relating workplace to residence. Large scale redevelopment and rehousing in city centers in the 1950s and 1960s had equally led to lengthening of journeys-to-work. Lastly, the time lag between housing construction and provision of services, and a large number of ‘unplanned’ and ‘fluid’ population within the city were other reasons worsening the situation in public transport (Bater, 1980, pp 112-113). In the mid-1960s Moscovites on average spent 37 minutes on journey-to-work. In 1989, the average trip time increased to 45 minutes. In spite of these faults, the composition of intra-urban public transport for that year in Moscow reflects a situation of advanced industrialized cities with a well-developed transport infrastructure which includes the underground trains with nine routes and 221 km of track and which handled 2.9 billion passengers; the trolley buses that numbered 2100, and handled 1 billion passengers; the 8300 public buses which handled 2.4 billion passengers; and surface railways with 200 km of track which handled 0.5 billion passengers. Both the provision and three-dimensional structure of its public transport system are quite developed and sophisticated. In addition, the city registered 600 000 motor cars, 95% of which were privately owned (Wang, 1991).
就业远离居住区经常使得通勤时间大大超过标准,低工资水平也常常迫使家庭需要不止一位就业者,这样就阻碍了规划中职住联系的目标。20世纪50年代和60年代的大规模城市中心改造和房屋重建同样也导致通勤时间延长。最后,服务供应相对住宅建设的滞后,以及城市中大量“规划外的”“流动”人口也是造成公共交通状况恶化的其他原因(Bater,1980,p112-113)。60年代中期,莫斯科人均通勤时间为37分钟,1989年,平均通勤时间增加到45分钟。除这些问题之外,当年莫斯科的市内公共交通组成反映出先进的工业化城市那样的情况,它拥有发展完善的交通基础设施,包括9条线路总计221公里的地铁,载客量29亿人次;2100辆无轨电车,载客量10亿人次;8300辆公交车,载客量24亿人次;总线路长度200公里的地面铁路,载客量5亿人次。它的公共交通系统的供应和三维结构完善而先进。此外,城市登记在册的小汽车有60万辆,其中95%是私人小汽车(Wang,1991)。
As the national capital of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) since 1949, Beijing has undergone a ‘socialist’ transformation in its urban economy and urban development (Sit, 1985, 1995; Dong, 1985). To some extent, post-1949 urban transport development of the city has borne out the key elements of the socialist approach of equity in the access of public transport with intensive incorporation of public transport and heavy subsidy to public modes. On the other hand, some common features of Third World cities such as gross inadequacy of the road network, heavy dependence of the non-motorized modes in commuting and poor and inadequate public transport service equally characterized Beijing’s urban transport in 1949-1992. On top of these, the form of the layout of the Old City and the leadership’s strongly-held view that Beijing should be the symbol of the nation, posed the Communist Party a unique set of transport problems.
作为1949年以来中华人民共和国的首都,北京的城市经济和城市发展经历了“社会主义”改造(Sit,1985,1995;Dong,1985)。某种程度上,1949年之后的北京城市交通发展体现出促进公共交通公平使用的社会主义手段的重要要素,这种手段是以大量国有公共交通企业和对公共交通的巨大补贴来实现的。另一方面,北京1949-1992年的城市交通也拥有第三世界城市的一些共同特点,如道路网的严重不足、对非机动交通方式的强烈依赖,以及公共交通服务的缺乏。最重要的是,老城区的布局形式和领导阶层认为北京应当成为国家的象征的强烈观点,使得共产党成为交通问题的一个特殊背景。
The setting of Beijing
北京的背景
Beijing had been the national capital in China’s last two imperial dynasties, the Ming and Qing dynasties. It had been laid out in a chessboard pattern with the palace city in the middle by the Ming Emperor Yong-le (1400-1420) according to Chinese traditional planning philosophy based on Confucian principles such as the Mandate of Heaven, the symbolism of the Unity of Man and Heaven, the benevolence of the imperial reign, as well as some ‘fung-shui’ (geomance) guidelines (Ho, 1985; Sit, 1995). In 1949, the Communist government inherited a Beijing of 700 sq. km size, but most of the 1.4 million population lived in the 62 sq. km area of the Old City, i.e. the imperial capital surrounded by the Outer Wall and which had changed little in the long period of 1420-1911 (marked by the Second Ring Road in Figure 2). The urban fabric of the city at that time was not much different from that of the last imperial dynasty that ended in 1911, especially its core, i.e. the Forbidden City which since the late 1920s have been turned into a large museum to preserve one of the world’s finest and most treasured collections of historical and architectural remains. Since 1949, the Chinese government spent much effort in transforming the city into the nation’s administrative headquarters and a large modern industrial centre. The city’s territory was expanded to 16 800 sq. km to provide space for major new industrial development and to include a huge rural hinterland for meeting the city’s demand for grains, other items of food and water.
在过去的两个帝王朝代(明朝和清朝)中,北京一直是中国的首都。它被明朝永乐皇帝按照中国传统规划思想(以天命观、天人合一、仁政、风水(泥土占卜)等儒家思想为基础)规划为棋盘式格网结构,皇城位于中央(Ho,1985;Sit,1995)。1949年,共产党政府接管了面积700平方公里的北京城,但140万人口中的大部分都居住在62平方公里的老城区内,也就是被外城墙包围的、1420至1911年间变化很少的皇城(以图1中的二环线为标志)。当时的城市肌理与清朝(于1911年终结)的时候没有很大区别,特别是它的核心区,也就是故宫,它自20世纪20年代末起被改建为大型博物馆,以保护世界最宏伟最珍贵的历史建筑遗址之一。1949年以来,中国政府做了很大努力,将这座城市转变为国家的行政中心和巨大的现代工业中心。为了给主要的新工业区开发提供空间,并且为纳入大片农业腹地以满足城市对粮食及其他食物和水的需求,城市范围被扩大到16800平方公里,。
By 1990, the population of the entire city rose to 10 million, 55% of which was concentrated in about 650 sq. km, the ‘planned urban area’ that is administratively divided into the four city districts and the four suburban districts. The four city districts, slightly larger than the old city with an area of 87 sq. km, accounted for 2.42 million or 23.4% of the entire municipal population. The economic transformation of the city can be seen from data on the contribution to GDP by the secondary sector which rose from 38.7% in 1952 to a peak of 71.1% in 1978, while the number engaged in manufacturing rose from 159317 in 1949 to 1.6 million in 1990. Although, for a long period, the urban economy has been growing quickly (10% annually for Total Social Production in 1953-1988, or 11.6% for GNP), the average income of the Beijing citizen remained low, i.e. Y250 in 1957; Y252 in 1965, Y500 in 1980 and Y2877 or $530 in 1991 (1991 US$l =Y5.46; Sit, 1995).
到1990年,整座城市的人口增加到一千万,其中55%集中在650平方公里的“城市规划区”内,它在行政上被划分为4个城区和4个郊区,4个城区面积87平方公里,比老城区稍大一些,拥有242万人口,即城市总人口的23.4%。城市的经济变革可以从第二产业对GDP的贡献率体现出来。1952年为38.7%,到1978年增长到71.7%,达到顶点,而制造业人口由1949年的159317增加到1990年的160万。虽然在很长一段时间内,城市经济增长迅速(1953——1988年社会生产总值年增长率10%,GNP11.6%),但北京市民的平均收入仍然很低,1957年为250人民币元,1965年为252元,1980年为500元,1991年为2877元或530美元(1991年汇率1美元=5.46人民币元;Sit,1995)。
Thus, post-1949 Beijing was a city undergoing rapid urbanization and industrialization in a very different way from other Third World cities of the same period, i.e. it is a dynamic city with full employment based largely on modern industries, although its level of economic development as measured by per capita GDP or per capita national income may look similar to them. The socialist approach to planning and management of the city have obviously contributed to some of these divergencies, yet the feudal urban fabric that the municipal government has inherited and the Chinese modification of the basic socialist principles have equally affected the development of urban transport in Beijing.
因此,1949年后的北京是一座以和同期其他第三世界城市非常不同的方式经历快速城市化和工业化的城市,即这是一座全部就业在很大程度上以现代化工业为基础的动态城市。虽然它的经济发展水平以人均GDP或人均国民收入可能看起来与那些城市相似。城市规划和管理上的社会主义方式显然导致了一些分歧,但是城市政府接管而来的封建城市肌理和中国对社会主义基本原则的修正也同样影响了北京城市交通的发展。
In 1949, the city had only 215 km of surfaced roads. The widest road ran from Dongdan to Xidan (Changan Avenue) for a length of 3.8 km, and its widest part did not exceed 11 m. Besides, the east and west portions of this avenue were not joined, and were separated by a T-shape imperial square in front of Tiananmen (Figure 2). Elsewhere were over 3000 small lanes, locally called ‘hutongs’. Most of them were unsurfaced, ran in straight lines in the east-west direction, and were 4-6 m wide. They were rigidly laid out according to a separation of about 80 m within the ‘inner city’ (northern 2/3 of the Old City). The barrier provided by the Forbidden City which, since 1912, has been preserved as a museum, and most parts of the San Hai (Three Seas) of the Imperial City, as well as the dense grid of hutongs put a straight-jacket on urban transport development of the city, particularly of its city districts. Such a pattern of roads was very unsuitable for a modern capital and a modern economy, as the moat and wall of the Forbidden City remain intact and parts of the wall of the Imperial City still stand. Only the wall of the Inner City and the Outer City have been demolished for construction of the Second Ring Road. Thus the pre-industrial character of the large city core and its wealth in cultural relics, which need preservation, make Beijing a special case among Third World cities in its urban transport problems. Beijing, in addition, does have its ‘socialist’ features, i.e. an efficient, low-fare public transport system dominated by buses, popular use of the bicycle supported by official policy, and a publicly owned freight transport sector beset by problems through lack of incentives.
1949年,城市仅有215公里的铺装道路,最宽的道路由东单延伸到西单(长安街),长3.8公里,最宽的地方不超过11米。此外,这条道路的东西两部分没有连接起来,而是被天安门前T形的皇家广场分隔(图2)。其他地方有超过3000条在当地称为“胡同”的小巷,它们大部分都未铺装,呈东西直线走向,宽4-6米。它们在“内城(老城区的北部2/3)”里严格按照80米的间隔布局。故宫(从1912年起被作为博物馆保护起来)、皇城中三海的大部分和胡同的密集格网为北京(特别是城区)的城市交通发展造成了束缚。由于故宫的护城河和城墙被完整保存下来,皇城城墙的一部分也依然存在,这样的道路形式对于一个现代的首都和现代经济是非常不适宜的。为建设二环路只拆除了内城和外城的城墙。因此,巨大的城市核心区的前工业时代特点和需要保护的文化遗产财富,使得北京在城市交通问题上成为第三世界城市中的特例。除此之外,北京确实具有“社会主义”特征,例如公交主导的有效、低价的公共交通系统,受官方政策支持的自行车广泛使用,以及面临缺乏激励机制问题的公有货运部门。
Since 1978, China has adopted a new Open Door and Reform strategy of development with more emphasis on market forces and numerous changes in the management of urban transport. This paper reviews the Collectivized Model of urban transport from 1949 to 1977 and the changes in the moves to Market Socialism since 1978. The experience of Beijing should broaden our understanding of urban transport issues and provide new data and ideas for reflection on established models and concepts about Third World urban transport.
自1978年起,中国实行了新的改革开放发展战略,更多关注于市场力量和城市交通管理中的诸多变化。本文回顾了1949年至1977年间城市交通的公有制模式,以及1978年以来转向社会主义市场经济的过程中的改变。北京的经历有助于我们更广泛理解城市交通问题,为现有的第三世界城市交通模型和概念的反馈提供了新的数据和思路。
The road network
道路网
In Beijing’s post-1949 road development, the opening of the east-west and north-south arteries became the most urgent work. This was vital for the development of new suburbs for industries, high level education, R&D and administration, as well as for residential use. As a result, the road mileage within the city and suburban districts increased 20-fold from 164 km in 1949 to 3276 km in 1991. The motorized vehicle numbers increased more more rapidly from 2328 in 1950 to 384 451 in 1990, as did total urban public transport users which increased from 29 million persons in 1949 to 3523 million in 1991. (Beijing Statistical Yearbook, various dates). The ratio of road mileage to car population increase is 1:8, and road mileage to public transport volume 1: 6. These too are common features of most Third World cities (Table 2). Beijing has, however, invested less in road construction. Bejing’s capital investment in urban transport (about 35% of which is spent on road construction and improvement) has been for many years less than 1% of the city’s total infrastructural investment. Most investment was in the first three years after 1949 and in the years since the Open and Reform policy was adopted in 1978. Quan (1988a) showed that in 1978-1988, the city invested a total of Y4.3 billion in transport construction, six times the annual average of the years before. In these 10 years, 6.23 million sq. m of urban roads had been added, or 38.7% of the total at 1978.
在北京1949年之后的道路发展中,东西向和南北向大道的开通成为最紧迫的工程。这对于工业、高等教育、研发、管理和居住新郊区的开发十分重要。因此,城市内部和郊区的道路里程从1949年的164公里增长了20倍,达到1991年的3276公里。机动车数量更是激增,从1950年的2328辆上涨到1991年的352.3千万辆。(北京统计年鉴,不同时期)。道路里程增加量和汽车数量增加量的比值为1:8,道路里程增加量和公共交通增加量的比值为1:6。这些也是大部分第三世界城市的共同特征(表2)。然而,北京在道路建设上的投资较少。北京在城市交通上的资本投入(约占道路建设和改善支出的35%)多年以来在城市基础设施总投入中都不到1%。多数投资发生在1949年之后的三年内和1978年改革开放政策实施之后。Quan(1988)指出,1978年至1988年间,城市投入了总计43亿元人民币进行交通建设,是之前年份年均值的6倍。这十年中,新增了634万平方米城市道路,占1978年总量的38.7%。
The major achievements in improving the urban road network are:
改善城市道路网的主要成就有:
(1) opening up and/or widening of five east-west roads and one north-south trunk road;
(1)五条东西向道路和一条南北向干道的开通和/或拓宽;
(2) construction of ten arteries of 6-10 km in newly developed residential areas, including six north- south and three east-west district roads;
(2)在新开发的居住区内建设10条6-10公里的大道,包括六条南北向和三条东西向的区级道路;
(3) in the suburbs, 13 main radiating roads have been built to link new developments there with the Old City;
(3)在郊区,建设了13条主要放射道路,将那里的新开发区和老城区联系起来;
(4) a number of ring roads have been constructed to reduce traffic in the Old City (Figure I). They are the Inner Ring Road, the main artery of the central area, which is 19 km long; the Second Ring Road of 23.7 km, on the former wall of the Old City (completed in 1993); the Third Ring Road of 48 km, completed in 1981 which serves mainly as the link between the suburban districts; and fourthly, the Fourth Ring Road of 65 km, partly completed at present. The Fourth Ring Road is to serve mainly intra-urban and inter-urban freight transport. Over the Second and Third Ring Roads, by 1989, 40 flyovers had been completed at busy road junctions (Figure 1). This system of ring and radial roads is basically copied from the Soviet model of transport planning.
(4)建设了一些环路以减少老城区的交通(图1)。其中有19公里长的市中心主干道内环路;紧贴老城区原有城墙的23.7公里长的二环路(1993年建成);于1981年建成,主要连接各郊区的48公里长的三环路;第四条是65公里长的四环路,目前部分完工,主要为城市内部和城市间的货运交通服务。在二环路和三环路上,截至1989年,在交通繁忙的交叉口共建成了40座立交(图1)。这个环状放射道路系统基本沿袭了前苏联的交通规划模式。
Thus, post-1949 road building has altered the old grid pattern of the city’s road network, to a mixture of ring roads and radial roads. The Third Ring Road marks the divide between the Old City’s grid pattern and the predominance of radial roads in the outer urban areas in the suburbs.
这样,1949年后的道路建设将城市道路网的旧的格网形式,转变为环状道路和放射状道路混合的形式。三环路标志着旧的格网形式和郊区的城市外围放射状道路占据主导的分界。
Another important feature of the road network is the emergence of a circulatory system for bicycles, reflecting the city government’s increased attempts to integrate non-motorized modes in its urban transport strategy. From 1949 to 1965, most new main roads contained 14-21 m wide lanes for cars, in single carriageways without separation for motorized and non-motorized traffic. With growing use of bicycles in the city, the first three-carriageway main road was constructed in 1965 which provides separations for the two different modes. It contains two motorized vehicular lanes of 14 m each, and two bicycle and cart lanes of 4 m each. In between them are green reservations 2.5-5.5 m wide. By the end of 1983, there were 100 km three-carriageway main roads which were increased to 242 km (173 km within the city and suburban districts) in 1991. China is still unique within the Third World in integrating non-motorized modes into its road construction programmes.
道路网的另一个重要特征是自行车循环系统的形成,它体现了城市政府在城市交通战略中整合非机动交通方式的意图。从1949年到1965年,大部分新建的主干道包含14-21米宽、机非混行的单幅路车道。随着城市自行车使用的增加,1965年建设了第一条三幅路主干道,将这两种不同的交通方式分隔开来。它包含两条各14米宽的机动车道,和两条各4米宽的自行车、手推车车道。在二者之间是2.5-5.5米宽的绿化隔离带。到1983年底,建成了100公里的三幅路主干道,而到1991年增加到242公里(其中173公里在市内和郊区地区)。在将非机动交通方式整合到道路建设工程中的方面,中国在第三世界阵营中仍然颇具特色。
Urban transport conditions have deteriorated due to rapid growth of motor car ownership and transport demand arising from economic and population growth, yet the imbalance in spatial growth of the network is partly responsible. A report of the Civil Engineering Bureau of the municipality revealed that there were 2000 km of roads (77.3% of total) within the planned urban areas (an area of 650 sq. km at the centre of the municipality), but their spatial distribution is however highly uneven. Within Second Ring Road were 747 km (36.1%) between the Second and Third Ring Road, 426 km (20.6%) and between the boundary of the planned urban areas and Third Ring Road were 896 km (43.3%).
城市交通条件的恶化归咎于由经济和人口的增长带来的机动车拥有量和交通需求的增加,但道路网的空间增长不平衡也是原因之一。北京市城建局的一份报告表明,在规划区(城市中心650平方公里的地区)内有2000公里的道路(占总数的77.3%),但它们的空间分布却非常不均衡。在二环路以内有747公里(36.1%),二环路和三环路之间有426公里(20.6%),而在三环路和城市规划区边界之间有896公里(43.3%)。
Within the central area (the Old City of 62 sq. km marked by the Second Ring Road), main road density (roads of 7 m width and above) is the highest of all the urban zones, yet the quality of its roads are low. Main roads, however, only accounted for 9% of central area roads and it has few through-roads. The Old City, nevertheless, accommodated 28.7% of the urban traffic and was the origin of 53% of the commuting trips of the city. Its road network had already reached a capacity of 90% and yet its traffic volume was still growing at a rate of 4.6% per year, exceeding the city average of 3% (Quan, 1990a). Traffic surveys in 1986 and 1987 show that within the Old City, the speed of motorized vehicles on main roads dropped 40% in one year alone, to an average of 20 km/hour, while on 23 main roads it was only 10 km/hour. Inadequacy of main through-roads, arising both from the need to preserve the Forbidden City and San Hai, as well as high costs and problems of resettlement of the densely populated areas affected by road widening schemes, have constrained urban transport improvement in old Beijing.
在市中心地区(以二环路为界的62平方公里的老城区),主干路密度(7米以上宽度的道路)在所有城市分区中最高,可是道路质量较差。但是主干路只占中心区道路的9%,而且贯通的道路较少。然而老城区承载了28.7%的城市交通量,而且是城市中53%的通勤的起点。它的道路网已经达到容量的90%,但交通量还在以每年4.6%的速度增长,超过3%的城市平均值(Quan,1990)。1986年和1987年的交通调查表明在老城区内,机动车在主干路上的车速在仅仅一年内下降了40%,降至平均20公里/小时,而在23条主干路上只有10公里/小时。由于保护故宫和三海的需要,以及重新安置受道路拓宽方案影响的高密度居住区的高昂成本和诸多问题,导致了贯通性主干路的缺乏,制约了老北京城城市交通的改善。
As the Inner Ring road is still incomplete and of low standard due to the high costs and difficulty of demolition of existing housing, most inter-district traffic has to use the Second Ring Road. Traffic surveys indicated that 93% of the vehicle flow of the city is in an east- west direction and 25% of the inter-city flow passes through the inner city. This pattern of traffic flow is at conflict with the traditional street pattern of the Old City. A higher standard Second Ring Road and a completed Fourth Ring Road are certainly necessary in order to improve the situation. The standards of the radiating roads are also low. They mostly contain only two lanes for motorized vehicles, and sections on the inside of the Third Ring Road are still largely uncompleted.
由于内环路仍未建成且由于高成本和拆除已有建筑的高难度而道路标准较低,大部分区内交通不得不利用二环路完成。交通调查显示,93%的城市机动车流都是东西向,25%的内城交通流穿过内城。这种交通流模式和老北京城传统道路模式有冲突。为改善这种状况,更高标准的二环路和完工的四环路是必要的。放射状道路的标准也较低。它们多数仅有两条机动车道,而三环路内的许多部分还有很多未完工。
Of the 2000 km of roads within the planned urban areas, only 824 km are of a width of over 7 m and could be used by motorized vehicles, including 100 km of high standard roads with four lanes and a total surfaced width of over 21 m and 235 km of 12-21 m width roads, which allow for some separation of motorized and non-motorized traffic. 60% of the road network are, therefore, below 7 m in width and cannot normally be used for motorized traffic. Only about 497 km may be used by ambulances, fire-engines and refuse collecting vehicles in emergencies. The remaining 748 km are only used for bicycle and pedestrian traffic (Civil Engineering Bureau, 1987).
在城市规划区内的2000公里道路中,只有824公里宽度超过7米,能被机动车使用,包括100公里的4车道、横断面宽超过21米的高标准道路,以及235公里的12-21米宽、可机非分行的道路。60%的道路网宽度在7米一下,不能被机动车使用。只有497公里可能可以被救护车、消防车、垃圾车使用。其余的784公里只能通行自行车和行人(城建局,1987)。
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